“Climate Stalin” seems to me as millenarianism, a dream of the impotent, a desire to experience second-hand the agency of the climate Stalin to smite their enemies with righteous ruthlessness. Against the carceral ecology of Climate Stalin, we need an abolitionist ecology.
Fun fact, the Philippines is the only country in the world where "Ateneo" refers to a school. Everywhere else in the world, they're like libraries and social centers for learning. In the Hispanophone world, ateneos were crucial for the promotion of anarchist propaganda.
I am not for "identity politics" because outside of reactionary tendencies for cisheteropatriarchal, racial, ethnic, national, and religious chauvinism, there is no "left" or "socialist" identity politics. It does not exist. Liberal identity politics may exist, but not socialist or anarchist identity politics. Working people who are engendered, racialized, or otherwise excluded or subalternized may be oppressed on the basis of identity, but we do not fight for common dignity and liberation on the basis of identity, but on the basis of *affinity*, on the basis of *solidarity*. This is the opposite of identity politics; this is the basis of liberatory and intersectional politics.
In this sense, intersectionality is not "identity politics" but rather the tool by which common affinities are constructed. My liberation is totally tied up with the liberation of trans people, of women, of Indigenous people, of Palestine, etc. Intersectionality shows us how different but interrelated systems of domination intersect, and therefore shows how the liberation of one is tied to the liberation of all—the basis of affinity and solidarity.
Socialist- or anarcha-feminism, for example, unite people of diverse gender and sexual identities on the basis of common affinity against cisheteropatriarchy. They may have identities, but the basis of unity is still affinity for common liberation. Hence this is why socialist- and anarcha-feminism are trans-inclusive while the identity politics of second-wave feminism is transphobic and gender essentialist.
Queers for Palestine, for example, may initially present itself as identity-based, but such a reading tells more about how right-wing commentators perceive identity politics, since the chauvinism of the right wing has always been based on identity. Rather, queers for Palestine is very much unity on the common basis of affinity, that being the liberation of Palestine as part-and-parcel to a common basis of liberation.
I am, however, against the anti-idpol because they are the enemy of unity and solidarity on the basis of common affinity for liberation. Through deliberate erasure of intersectional oppression in favor of simplistic class reduction, the anti-idpol thereby erases the basis of affinity by which liberatory politics is grounded upon. If you erase or obscure, for example, transphobia or indigeneity, you break down your affinity by which trans people or Indigenous people fight for common liberation alongside their class.
If you want to read more, Donna Haraway's "A Cyborg Manifesto" is instructive in this regard.
It really is that either democracy has never existed or what we have now has always been democracy. Either one has to be a democrat in a world that has never seen democracy or one must condemn democracy altogether.
@big_louse Yeah mass migration to the United States would only begin after the invasion and colonization. First as agricultural workers and servants, then as students. While there were Filipinos in the United States before the invasion of the Philippines, many of these have perhaps assimilated into Mexican or creole life rather than as Filipinos. Others in the Spanish period did study in the United States like José Rizal, but if they agitated for independence, we would have known about it.
@big_louse Actually, scholarship on the early diaspora and their intellectuals and radicals is a bit of a cottage industry among Filipino historians. If this Filipino Junta in America existed, I'm pretty sure we'd know. Even the Philippine government funds this kind of history.
@big_louse I'm not aware of any Filipino Americans working on Philippine solidarity that early. Filipino America hadn't even been constituted yet as far as I know.
Apparently Emma Goldman advocated for Philippine independence from both Spain and the United States. She mentioned here she worked with a “junta” to secure Philippine independence. I'm more inclined to believe she is referring to the Cuban Junta active in the United States rather than the Hong Kong Junta, which had no presence in the United States. While it would have been cool to see Emma Goldman work with Filipino nationalists, I highly doubt she met with representatives of Aguinaldo…
Popular Front has a new podcast on the NPA. I didn't learn anything particularly new about it, and also I found it sus the guest avoided talking about the deaths of the Tiamzons, but otherwise it's a good refresher on the endurance of the CPP and NPA.
What's funny about Greek fascists preferring “Constantinople” over “Istanbul” is that Daesh (so-called “Islamic State”) would agree. Their Turkish propaganda outlet was named “Konstantinyye.”
My intention behind the Bulatlatan archive is to show that opportunism is not a natural feature of National Democracy, contrary to some claims. Opportunism can be struggled against by rank and file in two-line struggle. I'm happy to see it debated by young NatDems.
I read stuff on ultraleft communism, anarchy, ecology, police+prison abolition. Aspie, he\him. Scribe.Librarian at The Anarchist Library and the Southeast Asian Anarchist Library. Archivist for Philippine socialism and the Tagalog section at the Marxists Internet Archive. Climate justice worker.Build militancy not membership. For the self-abolition of the proletariat and the anti-prole prole club. The revolution will be proletarian by those who make it and anti-proletarian in its content.